Cadmus

Towards a Global Comprehensive Context-Driven and Decision-Focused Theory and Method for a New Political Economy

10. New Economic Thinking, Development and Social Change
The new economic thinking has its focus on development in terms of human capital and its potentials for improving the human prospect. It would have to identify a plurality of community systems that are inter-dependant and inter-determining and range from the local to the global. What we observe are territorial communities who know what they want and where they need to go but lack resources and skills. An extreme example is “cargo cults”. If placed on a continuum, we may see the socio-pathological condition of hyper development. There are a multitude of problematic circumstances in between. For us to develop an approach that permits us to identify where we are and where we want to go, we would have to measure development in terms of the existent state and potentials for transformation of at least the following nine values:13 power, wealth, enlightenment, skill, well-being, affection, respect, rectitude and aesthetics.

1. Power. The most important expression of power as decision is the understanding of the institution within which it expresses itself. For example, globally, power is significantly decentralized. This means an economic paradigm of global salience runs into the problem of the degree of lack of institutionalization of power. It is probably true that the most power-deprived are the least well off in global society. The new theory must be able to map global power and to appreciate its capacity to be mobilized for rational developmental objectives.

2. Wealth. In general, this refers to the aggregate volume and composition of what a society produces. It may refer to income in the community and also to the notion of an aggregate resource base. In general, when wealth is developed, the outcome is an increase in the volume and composition of products without depleting the resource base. (P+I)÷R

3. Enlightenment. What we mean by enlightenment is the prescription and application of education in social and economic development. The nature of enlightenment as a social capital is evident when education in a society leads to development. A society with an increased education-knowledge base uses enlightenment to extend development through informed decision-making. Decision-makers would make decisions based on informed enlightenment.

4. Well-being. Well-being including health refers to the state or condition of a society and its members. The well-being of a society is directly proportional to the level of “life expectancy” and indirectly proportional to the expectancy of disease occurrence in that society. The optimum level of well-being, however, is dependent on other values in that society.

5. Skill. Skill is the ability to perform tasks (especially employment or professional tasks), as a function of human capital development. The skill value is for the benefit of society. Skill development is a consequence of an increase in the strength of the “skill pool” in a society where skills are directed towards development. Skill is a critical component of individual and social capital.

6. Affection. Affection is a form of positive sentiment and underlines the loyalty of individuals and associations to the group. Being a basic value, it has tremendous social capital. The increase in scope of positive sentiments in a society increases developmental achievements and goals.

7. Respect. Showing regard for other individuals within a society is crucial to development. A lack of respect gives rise to discrimination, which in turn becomes a direct cause of retarded development.

8. Rectitude. Rectitude drives moral behavior in society. When rectitude of individuals within a society matches its development goals, there emerges what we call rectitude development.

9. Aesthetics. Aesthetics is rooted in human creativity and in human creative capacity. A culture of strong aesthetics will inspire economic development objectives.

These values are the critical components of a theory of global political economy. They are also implicated in the development and enhancement of human and social capital. The system of mapping the global social, power, constitutive and public order processes represents the essential contextual background for a political economy that focuses its theoretical foundations on the development of human and social capital. Essentially, the repository of human and social capital should be focused on the value institutional context and the frame­work of decision-making that shapes this context in ways that maximize the human and social capital capacity in society. The values approach gives us a shorthand method of understanding that human and social capital are clearly implicated in at least nine values that a cross cultural world can be observed with appropriate tools of investigation. The challenge for theory is to understand the divergent institutions respecting the cultural values and their level of efficacy in practice. We could start with the first challenge of theory, which is to establish the appropriate goals of human and social capital development.

Here, the challenge is to generate procedures and practices, as well as a theory to explain and justify this, which has the task of maximizing the production, distribution and sustainabil­ity of every value institutional process in order to maximize the structure, understanding and deployment of human capital. As a consequence we want to maximize the production, distribution and sustainability of power, wealth, respect, skill, enlightenment, wellbeing, affection, rectitude and aesthetics. In developing this framework we will be alert to the interdependence and inter-determination of functioning value systems. This means that power may be sought for its own sake but it may also be used to maximize value shaping and sharing and sustainability with regard to every other value listed above. Wealth may be sought for its own sake but may serve as a base of power to acquire power and all other values. In short, every value may be sought for its own sake and may also serve as a base of power to shape, share and sustain every other value. This approach requires us to see economics not as a disembodied field from human relations, and if we see in the value processes the repositories of human and social capital, we bring a sense of realism required for a durable new economic theory.

It will be obvious that these value institutional relationships that we identify are sought to contextualize what happens in the context of the global social, power and constitutive processes. The central feature of power and constitutive process is the centrality of decision-making. We can expand this idea further by suggesting that the centrality to the development and uses of human and social capital is the capacity for the human agents of capital formation and use, to be active and important decision makers in the very processes through which human beings generate value through human capacity. We therefore suspect that the mechanistic approach to economics represents a dramatic failure in its omission to understand the role of decision as a critical component of human and social capital. We now will proceed to provide a few practical examples of these theoretical possibilities.

11. Human and Social Capital in Development: The Vicos Experiment
The Vicos Experiment is a form of intellectual inquiry that also sought to induce a form of constructive, evolutionary social change in development. The inspiration for the experiment emerged from a view that peasants were incapable of modernization. An anthropologist, Allen Holmberg, and a former president of WAAS, Harold D. Lasswell, led the project. The project was located in the Uplands of Peru and included the village of Vicos. The project leader, Professor Holmberg, understood that the Vicosinos were the occupiers of land owned by an absentee landlord. Their position on the land was defined as the status of serfdom. With a small grant from the Ford Foundation, Holmberg purchased the land and the hacienda and essentially became the patron.

The farming practices of the village were unproductive because they had no incentive to produce crops that would be expropriated by an absentee landlord. This involved the project leaders in providing incentives to improve the village economy via farming. That also meant a movement away from near survival to a circumstance of modest prosperity. The incentive was that if the villages cooperated in farming operations, they could keep the profits for community purposes and if the profits were sufficient, they could purchase the land and become landowners. The project leaders found that the initiatives of the serfs with their intimate knowledge of farming capacity and climate, etc., supplemented by some technical expertise, essentially produced a significant sequence of crops and upon marketing, funds as well. It was important that the villages were participating in the decisions about agricultural production.

This initial initiative raised questions about how to exercise decision making in managing the profits from farming activity. This permitted the interveners to promote the idea that maybe decision making should be shared with the community and decisions eventually evolved to issues about healthcare, in particular, healthcare of women, schooling, including schooling for women, and the project evolved with a self conscious direction of training in the processes of decision making and an awareness of appropriate goal values. One significant event was when the community decided they would invest in a truck to transport their products directly to the metropole and increase the value of their products by direct marketing.

The model pursued in Vicos attracted external attention. Some of the Peruvian elites were particularly concerned about what they saw as an incipient process of empowering the underclass. Other Indian communities saw Vicos as a model that they would try to emulate. The Vicos leadership were willing to transfer skills to other Indian communities as well. Unfortunately, a delegation of Indian leaders on the way to Vicos to retrieve the recipe were attacked by hired goons. Several were killed. This gave the sovereign Peruvian state an excuse to terminate the project on the basis that it was disruptive of social peace. Although the project was ended technically, enough seeds of change and the processes of decision making to enhance human capital had been transferred. This village is still an example illustrating the importance of developing human capital on the basis that it is sustainable over time. The idea behind Vicos was recently of interest to the World Bank. One of the partic­ipants in the project presented the Bank with a broad prototypical framework of how this could be replicated elsewhere. The World Bank has also developed a more limited version of this idea in its projects that have dealt with micro-enterprise finance. It would seem that bank theorists would prefer to focus on a narrower framework of value institutional capital. The Vicos project combines elements of macro theory, intermediate macro theory and micro theory. The theoretical value of the Vicos experiment is that it can be simplified in terms of a useable development prototype. In this sense, it could have some value for new economic theory to focus on the multitude of possible prototypes that might be given operational effect worldwide. Several years ago, we discovered that there were several women from the village of Vicos who had completed advanced doctorates in the United States.


13. See Garry Jacobs & Winston P. Nagan, “The Global Values Discourse,” Eruditio 1, no.1 (2012): 136-49; Winston P. Nagan &
Aitza M. Haddad, “Individuality, Humanism & Human Rights,” Eruditio 1, no. 2 (2012): 2-22.


Pages: 1 2 3 4 5